Jerusalem Post
US monitoring Israel's Iran options
Nathan Guttman, THE JERUSALEM POST Mar. 13, 2006
The Pentagon is looking into the possibility of Israel launching a strike against Iran's nuclear facilities. In the past months there were several working-level discussions trying to map out the possible scenarios for such an attack, according to administration sources who were briefed on these meetings.
The discussions, which were describes as intelligence-oriented and not policy-oriented, examined the likelihood of an Israeli pre-emptive attack against Iran and the method in which such an attack could be carried out. One of the main questions presented in these discussions was whether Israel would inform the US in advance in case such an attack is to take place and when would such an advance notice be given.
The sources pointed out that it is clear that Israel would have to coordinate with the US forces air control any attempt to fly over Iraq on the way to Iran, if Israel chooses to attack using the shortest route.
Last week, former Israeli Chief of Staff Moshe Ya'alon said in Washington that the West does have a military option against Iran and that a joint US-NATO-Israeli air strike against dozens of nuclear facilities in Iran could set back Teheran's nuclear programs for several years.
The sources stresses that Ya'alon's remarks were not the trigger for the Pentagon consultations about a possible Israeli attack but added that there is a sense in the administration that the Iranian issue is gaining urgency.
The Washington Post reported Monday that the Bush administration has made Iran a top priority issue and that the president and his team had several meetings on the issue to discuss Iran's nuclear plans.
The Pentagon discussions, according to the sources, did not lead to any conclusion regarding the plausibility of an Israeli attack against Iran, nor did it recommend any action by the US.
Israeli and US sources have said in the past weeks that the US did not convey any message to Israel in which it asked to refrain from an attack and has not raised the issue in bilateral discussions with the Israelis. Both countries share intelligence on the situation in Iran and the advance of the nuclear program, but do not discuss - according to sources who took part in bilateral talks - the possibility of using military force to stop Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
The American assumption, according to the administration sources, is that an Israeli decision on attacking Iran is not imminent and that in any case it would not be taken before the Israeli elections, scheduled for March 28.
One of the questions Pentagon analysts are grappling with is how an Israeli attack - if launched - would affect the US and its forces in the region and whether it would force the US to follow with further strikes in order to complete the mission. The US is also discussing what could be the possible avenues of retaliation Iran would take against US's forces and interests in the region.
US Vice President Dick Cheney said last week that all options are "on the table" regarding Iran and on Sunday leading senators pointed out in TV interviews that the US can stop Iran's nuclear program. Senator George Allen (R-VA) said, relating to the question of using military force against Iran, that it is not the preferable route, but "if necessary, it is an option", and Senator Joseph Biden (D-DE) stressed that he believed that Iran's nuclear program can be stopped "short of war".
The UN Security Council is expected to take on the Iranian issue this week. During the weekend consultations continued between the US and European representatives and those from Russia and China in attempt to reach an agreement on the language of a Security Council presidential declaration regarding Iran.
The Americans would like to include a clause that would give Iran a 14 day ultimatum to accept the international community's conditions, before moving ahead with sanctions. Western diplomats said Monday that it is not clear if Russia and China would agree to such an ultimatum and speculated that they might insist on a month's period instead of the proposed 14 days.
MORE...
"The Bush administration has no proof that Iran has violated the terms of its treaty.
The IAEA has no proof that Iran has violated the terms of its treaty.
The UN Security Council has no proof that Iran has violated the terms of its treaty.
The whole fiasco has been orchestrated to deceive the public and pave the way for war."
http://onlinejournal.com/artman/publish/article_590.shtml
Bush’s roadblock at the Security Council
By Mike Whitney
Online Journal Contributing Writer
Mar 14, 2006, 00:51
Surveys conducted months before the war on Iraq showed that the American people would only support the conflict if there were a danger that Saddam was developing nuclear weapons. Other questions in the poll addressed the issues of humanitarian intervention, Saddam’s abysmal human rights record, and the prospect that Iraq had stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons.
None of these other potential threats mattered to the American people. The only issue that gained majority support for war was whether Saddam had nukes. It’s obvious now that the findings of that poll became the cornerstone of the administration’s public relations strategy.
Bottom line: The Bush-Cheney plans for shaping public opinion will continue to depend on bogus claims about nuclear weapons programs. This explains why the administration and their agents in the corporate media are intentionally misleading the public about the true nature of Iran’s nuclear program; it is the only way to elicit support for another war of aggression.
This also explains the furor over the Niger uranium fabrication which discredited the administration and resulted in the “outing” of Valerie Plame and the “swift-boating” of Joe Wilson. Cheney knew that the nuclear-link was crucial to hoodwinking the American people and could not allow Wilson to expose his lies.
The very same strategy is being used to demonize Iran. The IAEA has repeatedly said that there is “no evidence of a nuclear weapons program,” and yet, the administration continues to mislead public without a shred of proof to the contrary.
In the last week, the United States has had at least two opportunities to resolve the standoff through peaceful means. Instead, they torpedoed both deals and intensified the belligerence.
Why?
It was astonishing to watch Condi Rice hit the panic-button as soon as Iran’s foreign-minister offered to give up “industrial enrichment” of uranium if the IAEA would refrain from bringing the case before the Security Council. This was a “huge” concession on the part of Iran. They were giving up their legal rights under the treaty (NPT) and asking for nothing in return.
Condi’s reaction?
She called IAEA chief ElBaradei straight away insisting that,” The US cannot support this!”
Cannot support what? Negotiation? Deliberation? Peace?
The State Department made no attempt to explore the Iranian offer or see whether it would lead to greater concessions. It was simply dismissed outright.
It’s not hard to figure out what that means as far as the chances for peace.
The State Department reacted the same way earlier in the week when Russia and Iran were working out the details for enriching uranium outside of the country as a “confidence building” measure. Once again, State Dept. officials immediately rejected the “good faith” offer without pursuing further negotiations.
The obvious implication is that Washington wants another war and will subvert any attempt at negotiation or diplomacy.
What else could it mean?
Today’s headlines are reiterating the same hogwash: “Iran Spurns Russian Proposal” (SF Chronicle) or “Iran Ruling out Russia in Nuclear Plan” (CNN) or “Iran Rejects Russian offer to Diffuse Nuclear Dispute” (NY Times). This is how the media uses the corporate-bullhorn to create the impression that Iran is being “defiant.”
Baloney.
True, Iran has consistently maintained that it would not concede its rights under the treaty (NPT) but they have limited their demands to small amounts of uranium in a research and development program to be overseen by the IAEA inspection team.
Who could object to that?
The media have deliberately misled the public about the Russian negotiations as well as who was responsible for their ultimate failure. The New York Times admits this in their March 13 article by Nazila Fathi:
“Russia had offered to enrich uranium for Iran for use for energy purposes if Iran would refrain from doing so. It made a last minute face-saving offer to allow Iran to continue some enrichment for research purposes but withdrew the offer under Western pressure.”
“Western pressure?”
What the Times means is that Russia “withdrew the offer under United States pressure,” because Bush and company have no intention of allowing ANY settlement to take place no matter how conciliatory or personally-compromising.
But didn’t Iran’s foreign minister say, “The Russian deal is no longer on the agenda”?
Yes and no.
Iran said that it wants to see what the Security Council does before they make any more decisions. As for the precise statement by Iran’s foreign minister:
“As for the Russian proposal, if it considers Iran’s right to conduct research in Iran on its own soil, it can be a topic of negotiation, because the right to conduct research in Iran is the Islamic Republic’s right that we neither want to give up nor will give up.”
Hamid Reza Asefi’s statement is a straightforward defense of the basic terms of the treaty (NPT) a treaty to which the United States is also a signatory and has clear obligations. Should Asefi simply toss the “internationally-approved” treaty on the burn-pile because it no longer fits within the Bush administration’s foreign policy strategy?
Yes, according to Bush.
The media’s role in demonizing Iran cannot be overstated, nor can we really appreciate the extent of US recalcitrance without following the minutia of daily statements and demands. The United States has elevated the issue of Iran’s imaginary nuclear weapons program to crisis level. We must assume that its part of the broader scheme to incite violence and spread the Iraq war throughout the region.
Total war?
Isn’t that where all this bluster and harassment is headed?
But will the Bush administration be able to win UN Security Council approval for their war plans? Will there be sanctions?
No! No sanctions and no resolution condemning Iran’s program.
The New York Times reported on Friday that, “A draft document, which the Council members have indicated they hope to issue next week as a nonbinding presidential statement, says the Council continues to hope for a negotiated solution ‘that guarantees Iran’s nuclear program is for exclusively peaceful purposes.”
“A nonbinding presidential statement”?
This is what we have been saying here for months and now the NY Times is reluctantly confirming it. There are no grounds for “punitive action” because Iran is not in “noncompliance.” The entire matter has only reached this level of attention because the inordinate amount of raw power and arm-twisting the US can bring to bear in foreign affairs.
“A nonbinding presidential statement” is the equivalent of saying, “We have no proof that you are doing anything illegal, but we will scold you anyway.”
It is an empty statement which has no legal precedent or authority and infers nothing about violations to the NPT. It is strictly a gratuitous proclamation designed to placate the war-mongering occupants of the Bush White House.
The Bush administration has no proof that Iran has violated the terms of its treaty.
The IAEA has no proof that Iran has violated the terms of its treaty.
The UN Security Council has no proof that Iran has violated the terms of its treaty.
The whole fiasco has been orchestrated to deceive the public and pave the way for war.
Mike Whitney lives in Washington state. He can be reached at: fergiewhitney@msn.com.
Copyright © 1998-2006 Online Journal
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TheStar.com
China, Russia reject U.S. proposal on Iran
Mar. 13, 2006. 09:33 PM
UNITED NATIONS (AP) — Russia and China have rejected proposals from the United States and other veto-wielding members of the UN Security Council for a statement demanding that Iran clear up suspicions about its nuclear program, diplomats said Monday.
The dispute raises the threat of an impasse in the Security Council and means that the U.S., Britain and France may not get their wish for strong action by the powerful UN body.
They believe such a text could further isolate Iran and help compel it to abandon uranium enrichment, a process that can produce fuel for a civilian nuclear reactor or fissile material for an atomic bomb.
Iran, meanwhile, sent more mixed signals about its intentions. Its president said Iran's very existence depended on nuclear development, but Russia reported that Iranian diplomats had asked for more consultations.
Only a day earlier, talks on Russia's western-backed offer to host Iran's uranium enrichment program collapsed when Tehran rejected Moscow's demand to suspend enrichment activities at home.
"Contradictory signals are coming from Tehran," Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov told reporters Monday of Iran's response to the proposal. "One day they reject it, the other day they don't."
The board of the UN nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, voted last month to report Iran to the Security Council, saying it lacked confidence in Tehran's nuclear intentions and accusing Iran of violating the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. Iran responded by ending voluntary co-operation with the IAEA and announcing it would start uranium enrichment and bar surprise inspections of its facilities.
IAEA chief Mohamed ElBaradei accused Iran of withholding information about its nuclear program, possessing plans linked to nuclear weapons, and refusing to freeze uranium enrichment.
In the last week, council diplomats have weighed how to respond. Ambassadors from the five veto-wielding countries all said publicly that discussions continued on several proposals, including one from the British and French that would urge Iran to stop enriching uranium.
But a UN diplomat, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Russia and China want the council to do one thing only: acknowledge the primary role of the IAEA in handling the Iran issue.
The diplomat said that after three meetings, the Russians and Chinese showed little indication they would change their positions. At the heart of the dispute is a difference in approach toward Iran, which insists its nuclear program is meant only for peaceful purposes such as energy.
Russia and China, allies of Iran, believe council action — such as a challenging statement or economic sanctions — risks angering Tehran further, possibly causing the regime to withdraw from the NPT and kick out IAEA inspectors.
ALSO READ...
“This is where we the people have failed yet again because when you take a poll of the American people, 80 percent believe that Iran has a nuclear weapons program. Why?” He asked. “Because they have failed their responsibility in citizenship. They accept at face value everything they hear from Fox News, from CNN, from The New York Times. And they still don’t engage that little brain matter between their earlobes to think for themselves. It’s the mistake we made in Iraq.”
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article12306.htm
Think Beyond Impeachment, Says Former U.N. Weapons Inspector
By Nathan Diebenow
Associate Editor
03/09/06 ''Lone Star Iconoclast" AUSTIN — Scott Ritter, the former United Nations weapons inspector who served during President Bill Clinton’s administration, had some strong words for people who call for President Bush’s impeachment.
Ritter explained that more people should be held accountable for supporting the current war in Iraq than the Bush Administration, including members of the Clinton administration, congressmen, senators, the U.S. media, and the American people.
“The Bush administration has committed felony after felony after felony by going into Iraq. There’s no doubt about that,” Ritter said, while describing a meeting he had with Democrats on Capitol Hill on the issue of impeachment. “But I say, ‘Timeout, guys.... We’re culpable.’”
Guidepost
At a recent activism workshop in Austin, Ritter said that the American people should use the U.S. Constitution as a guidepost for making decisions with regard to U.S. foreign policy.
“When we say, ‘Bush administration, do it yourself. Clinton administration, do it yourself,’ I say, ‘No. America, do it yourself,’” said Ritter. “We the people of the United States of America need to reflect on the preamble to that constitution. It’s our constitution. It’s our country. This is our problem. The only way we are going to resolve it is to infuse ourselves with a sense of citizenship that has sadly not been in this country today.”
Ritter said that the American people seem to behave more like consumers than citizens: “We want the easy fix. We want the government to solve the problem for us. That’s not how democracy works. Democracy is a tough, dirty business. And it takes a lot of work. It requires citizens to invest themselves. And we the people have failed egregiously.”
Sponsored by Tour of Duty, Ritter’s talk was moderated by talk radio host Jack Blood before a packed sanctuary at St. Andrew’s Presbyterian Church in Austin. Earlier in the day, a conference was held on the church grounds devoted to linking spirituality and activism.
Iran War Looming
Ritter noted that after the three-year U.S.-led occupation of Iraq, the next challenge to the American people is finding the truth about Iran’s nuclear energy program.
Though he is skeptical of Iran’s claim that its civilian energy program is peaceful, Ritter said that no one has yet to supply hard evidence to the public that shows Iran has a nuclear weapons program. Still, he said he supports a presence of viable, capable U.N. weapons inspectors as an alternative to rushing “hell nell” toward armed conflict with Iran.
However, Ritter said he fears that the Bush administration has already gained the support of the American people who follow him to a new war without question.
“This is where we the people have failed yet again because when you take a poll of the American people, 80 percent believe that Iran has a nuclear weapons program. Why?” He asked. “Because they have failed their responsibility in citizenship. They accept at face value everything they hear from Fox News, from CNN, from The New York Times. And they still don’t engage that little brain matter between their earlobes to think for themselves. It’s the mistake we made in Iraq.”
Signs of War
Ritter went on to say that the United States military is already gearing up for armed conflict with Iran as Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld drums up the support from countries that have airbases surrounding Iran. Another sign of war, Ritter noted, is that U.S. aircraft are being used to scout future missions for U.S. troops.
“We’re over flying in Iran and we’re taking photographs. Is this peaceful?” asked Ritter. “If the Cubans were flying over our nation with reconnaissance aircraft taking photographs of facilities they were getting their troops ready to target, we’d shoot their planes down, and we’d say we have to right to protect our national defense.”
To drive his point home, he added: “If the Cubans were taking Cuban Americans in the United States and forming them into operational groups to go around blowing up bridges and assassinating politicians, we’d call it an act of terror. Not only would we hunt down the perpetrators, but we’d probably blow Cuba off the face of the earth in the process because they’re attacking us. But we’re doing the same thing (to Iran).”
Ritter suggested that to stop a war with Iran, Democrats must be elected to take control of at least the House of Representatives in the 2006 election. This way, said the self-described registered Republican, a healthier amount of skepticism will check and balance the executive and legislative branches of the U.S. government.
No Surprise
Ritter explained that none of the sectarian violence currently going on in Iraq should have taken anybody by surprise because the only thing holding the three infighting ethnic and religious groups (Kurds, Shi’a, and Sunnis) together since the end of the Ottoman Empire after World War I was Saddam Hussein’s Baathist Party.
“People say, ‘Why was Saddam Hussein so brutal against the Shi’a?’ Because if he wasn’t, you’d have the same problem you’d see in the streets today. ‘Why was Saddam Hussein so brutal against the tribes?’ If he wasn’t, you’d have the same problem you’d have today. ‘Why did Saddam Hussein repress Kurdish independence?’ Because if he didn’t, you’d see the same problems you’d see in Iraq today. It’s all predictable,” said Ritter.
He told the audience that the United States used Saddam only when it was convenient, such as during the Iraq/Iran war in order to keep Iran’s Islamic fundamentalist government at bay. The Gulf War, Ritter said, however, was the result of poor communication between the United States and her ally Iraq due to the first Bush administration’s heavy, narrow focus on the Soviet Union during the Cold War.
In March 1990, then-President George H. W. Bush sent a delegation to Iraq led by Sen. Bob Dole (R-Kansas) that embraced Hussein’s government during a spat between Iraq and Israel, but by October 1990, Saddam invaded and occupied its southern oil-rich neighbor Kuwait, Ritter explained. That summer, Hussein had asked Washington three times whether or not he had the green light to take land away from Kuwait over a border dispute. All three times, Washington told Hussein, “America has no position,” according to Ritter.
Kuwait Invasion
The initial response inside the U.S. government toward the Iraqi invasion was “good” because “[e]verybody understood that Kuwait was doing some bad things in terms of slant drilling and holding Iraq’s feet to the fire on financial issues,” Ritter explained. “And the feeling was that if Iraq had limited its incursion by simply taking over the Ramadi oil fields, controlling the Emir’s palace, and occupying the (nearby) islands — there wouldn’t have been a problem.”
Instead, Hussein moved into Kuwait City and threatened Saudi Arabia’s oil fields, which forced President H.W. Bush to raise his rhetoric even harsher by comparing Hussein to the former leader of Nazi Germany Adolph Hitler, said Ritter, adding that in doing so, the president covered up the complicated nature of the situation from the American people to wage war against Iraq.
“We knew there were nuclear weapons and biological weapons, but while we had our chemical protective gear, we had our little magic pills, [and] we had our inoculations, there wasn’t a big fear factor,” said Ritter, who served during the Gulf War as a Marine. “There seemed to be more fear about Iraq’s nuclear weapons capabilities in 2003 when they didn’t have them than in 1991 when they did have them.”
Life Or Death
To further the case for the Gulf War, there were charges that the Iraqi leader was a “personification of evil” who gassed his own people, namely the Iraqi Kurds.
As Ritter explained, during the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, the Iraqi Kurds switched allegiance to Iran and fought against Iraq. At a battle over a dam where electricity was created to power Baghdad, Iraq used a mustard agent to repel Iranian soldiers from a hill top. When the Iranians counterattacked with a cyanide-based blood agent, the Kurdish rebels were killed in the middle.
As a preventative measure in “a life or death struggle,” as Ritter termed it, Hussein gassed at least three Kurdish villages, which is not the same as a systematic extermination of defenseless people such as the six million Jews in Europe who died under Hitler’s reign, Ritter noted.
This weaponized blood agent may have resulted in the deaths of 7,000 Kurds, he explained, during a war in which about a million people died from conventional weapons like artillery and machine guns used by Iran, a country of 60 million people, and Iraq, a country of 23 million people.
“I’m not condoning the Iraqi actions, but we need to put it in perspective,” said Ritter, adding: “With the exception of nuclear weapons, a Marine corps rifle company with an unlimited supply of ammunition will kill far more people than chemical weapons, biological weapons, or long-range ballistic missiles. I mean, but we don’t call a Marine corps rifle company ‘a weapon of mass destruction.’ Maybe we should.”
Deal With Saddam
At the same time in the 1980s, Ritter noted, Donald Rumsfeld delivered assurances from the United States to Hussein to make it clear that the U.S. government sided with Iraq, but all the while members of Congress condemned the Iraqi leader’s use of chemical weapons on the Kurds, even as the U.S. government was secretly supplying Iran with ballistic missiles for use against Iraq’s army.
“So we did condemn Saddam from using chemical weapons but said, ‘No problem, you keep doing it.’ Why? Because it’s good for us. It helps America contain Iran. The problem is ... we now have to deal with the reality of Saddam,” Ritter noted.
The tactics with which to “deal with Saddam” after the Gulf War meant political trouble for President H.W. Bush because the American leader left “the new Hitler” in power for the security of the region instead of ousting him like he had promised at the outset to the American people, according to Ritter.
“We needed Saddam Hussein to die, so that [President H.W. Bush] wouldn’t be opened up to political criticism here at home. But the war is over. The troops are home. How are we going to get rid of this guy?” explained Ritter.
The answer was a policy of containment through which a series of economic sanctions was arranged to continue as long as Hussein stayed in power, despite a U.N. Security Council resolution that called for the sanctions to be lifted once Iraq disarmed itself of weapons of mass destruction.
Enter Scott Ritter
Enter Scott Ritter and his frustration with the U.S. government during the implementation of Security Council Resolution 287 to inspect and disarm Iraq’s weapons.
“A successful inspection regime would be the enemy of American policy. That is something that I as an inspector found since day one,” said Ritter. “When I showed up, it was obvious that the United States did not want the weapons inspections program to succeed. They were afraid.
“When I reported to the CIA in 1992 that we could account for all the Iraqi nuclear capability, that was a finding they did not want because we could account for missiles, but right now, there was a possibility we could account for chemicals. If we could account for chemicals, then we can account for biologicals, and then we can account for nuclear for Iraq to disarm.
Ritter told his audience in Austin that the fact that the U.S. government rejected the inspectors’ findings, instead of saying, “Hoorray! Good job inspectors,” meant it didn’t want them to succeed in any step of the disarming process. Then, the director of the CIA said before the U.S. Congress that 200 missiles were still in Iraq, a number the CIA head made up, according to Ritter.
“Two hundred missiles that physically can’t exist in Iraq. Where did you get that number? You made it up. Ladies and gentlemen, it should be clear to everybody,” he said. “This isn’t about Bush bashing. Have you noticed the time frame I’m talking about? The majority of my life with the U.S. government took place between 1992 to 1998 during the Clinton presidency. This isn’t about Republicans. This isn’t about Democrats. It’s about America, about American politics, about going down the wrong path.”
Act Like Saddam
Ritter said that the last three presidential administrations deliberately misled the American people about the reality of Iraq.
“When people say we didn’t find any weapons in Iraq in 2003, I’m here to tell you that, no, it wasn’t a mistake,” said the former U.N. weapons inspector. “The CIA knew in 1993 that there were no nuclear weapons programs in Iraq. The CIA knew in 1994 that there were not chemical weapons in Iraq. The CIA knew in 1995 that there were no biological weapons in Iraq.
“The CIA knew that Iraq had been disarmed, but that’s not the CIA’s job,” he added. “The CIA’s job is not to disarm Iraq but to create the conditions for the removal of Saddam Hussein. This is important because that same pattern of deception that you saw in Iraq is taking place today when it comes to the issue of Iran.”
Until 2000, the United State waited for someone like a Sunni general who could be like Saddam Hussein without being Saddam Hussein and be called to assassinate Hussein and take over control the Baathist Party and Iraqi government, Ritter said. “Then we’d be happy.”
Baathists Ousted
But then, on March 19, 2003, the U.S.-led invasion force went into Iraq and threw the baby with the bath water, so to speak, by removing the Baathist Party along with Saddam Hussein, a move that caused widespread civil unrest in Iraq soon after.
“As soon as we invaded, someone said, ‘What do you think?’ I said, ‘America has lost the war.’ He said, ‘How can you say that?’ The second we crossed the line, we lost the war because we embarked on a mission that was going to undo that which held Iraq together, and there was no way America could sustain a long-term presence in Iraq that would devolve into chaos and anarchy,” said Ritter.
Addicted To War
Ritter stressed that U.S. presidents are in essence forced to lie to the American people about going to war in the Middle East (by using the excuse that the nation in question poses a threat) because the United States is addicted to its lifestyle based on cheap oil.
“We consume far more than we produce as a nation. Therefore, this lifestyle that we are all addicted to requires our government to gain access to resources we need to sustain this lifestyle, and to gain access to these resources on terms that are economically beneficial to America, so we have to have a foreign policy in place that guarantees we have this access,” explained Ritter.
He added, “A president can’t flat-out say, ‘I have to feed your addiction to oil, so I’m going to gain total 100 percent control of the Middle East. I’m going to get rid of every government in the Middle East ... that doesn’t march to our tune.’ What president is going to be honest enough to say that? Not a single one of them.
“So they are going to come up with excuses: ‘Saddam Hussein is a threat to our security because he has weapons of mass destruction. We need to get rid of Saddam. Iran is a threat because of a nuclear weapons program. We need to get rid of the Iranians. The Saudi Arabians are a threat because they finance global terror.’ That might actually be a true statement, but we’re not marching on Riyadh anytime soon.”
More Active Citizens
The bottom line, Ritter said, is that citizens of the United States should take the responsibility for the deployment of their armed forces more seriously, as they are empowered to do so by the U.S. Constitution, for the sake of their country and “those men and women who honor us by the uniform of the armed services of the United States [who] took an oath to protect the Constitution of the United States.”
“The military doesn’t get to engage in this constitutional debate. Why? Because they expect the people of the United States to do it,” explained Ritter, who as a Marine, served as a ballistic missile advisor to Gen. Norman Schwartzkopf during the first Gulf War. “That was another great lesson I learned. When the boss says, ‘Take the hill,’ you don’t go, ‘But there’s machine gun up there!’ You take the hill ... Tough luck. Get the job done.”
Ritter added that the only reason why the military should be asked to fight in the name of the United States is when “there is a threat that puts our nation at risk.”
Marine’s POV
When asked about the dangers of depleted uranium radiation from U.S. weapons, Ritter, a U.S. Marine who served 12 years, unapologetically answered that he looked at the issue from the standpoint of a Marine in the heat of battle.
“You put me in charge of a couple hundred Marines, and we’re dug in and a T80 Battle Tank comes over. I don’t want to fight an equal fight. I don’t want him anywhere close to me. I’m going to open up a 120 millimeter Battle Tank gun with continued depleted uranium rounds that will carve up that tank like a hot knife through butter and kill everyone inside before they can even come close to me,” said Ritter, who served as a ballistic missile advisor to Gen. Norman Schwartzkopf during the first Gulf War.
“I love DU!” he added. “I want to be able to use it on my 20 millimeter Bushmaster, on my LAB25, so it’ll cut through T62 tanks. Why? I don’t want an equal fight, ladies and gentlemen. You send me to war, and I’ll kill the enemy. I’m going to slaughter them! I’m going to eviscerate them! I’m going to annihilate them! And I’m going to do it in a way that brings all my Marines home or at least as many of them as I can. THAT’S—MY—JOB! My job is to wage war, not make the world lovey dovey. You click on the “on” switch on, it’s going on, and I’m going to them, and you better give me the weapons to do the job.
“And you better understand that when you give me those weapons, and I use those weapons, there are repercussions. When I pull that trigger on a DU weapon I’m creating conditions that are harmful to American service members. I’m creating conditions that are harmful to innocent civilians that have to live in that area. If you don’t want that, don’t send me to war.”
© 2006, The Lone Star Iconoclast